The Right's Attack on Choice
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Reproducing Patriarchy: Reproductive Rights Under Siege
by Pam Chamberlain
and Jean Hardisty
The Public Eye Magazine - Vo. 14, No. 1
The anti-abortion movement was active in this country long
before the Supreme Court's Roe v. Wade decision
provoked its revitalization. But prompted by that decision, the movement
shifted into high gear, gaining greater prominence and experiencing a
dramatic jump in membership. In addition to its enormous influence within
the arena of reproductive rights in the US, the
effort to prohibit abortion played a crucial role
in the emergence of the New Right at the end of
the 1970s. The New Right used the abortion issue to recruit members to
its larger agenda. Reaching out to virtually every sector within the
anti-abortion movement, the New Right's leaders argued that their family
values agenda would restore the country to an imagined earlier period
of morality and virtue.
The anti-abortion movement's membership is largely made
up of conservative Christians, both Catholic and
Protestant. Some of these conservative Christians are also members of
the larger Christian Right, which has become a
political powerhouse since being nurtured by the New Right to
become politically active. The Christian Right now wields considerable
power within the electoral right in this country. Because Christian Right
activists are uncompromisingly anti-abortion,
the anti-abortion movement benefits from the Christian Right's political
strength.
While the anti-abortion movement is part of the right today,
the right does not "own" the anti-abortion movement. Nor does
the Catholic Church. In fact, the anti-choice movement is made up of
a number of competing sectors, each often accountable only to itself.
Adherents of the sectors range from conservative Roman
Catholic traditionalists to members of far right paramilitary organizations.
The sectors' diversity can be confusing to pro-choice activists,
who often assume that the movement is uniform in its beliefs and political
strategies.
Loosely defined, the sectors of the anti-abortion movement
are: conservative Catholics and
the official Catholic Church establishment; conservative evangelical and
fundamentalist Protestants; hard right paramilitary formations,
which are often, but not always, openly white supremacist and/or
anti-Semitic. A small anti-choice constituency comes from more progressive,
evangelical religious organizations.1 While
many anti-abortion activities are affiliated with one or more of these
sectors, many people who oppose abortion are not
affiliated with any formal anti-choice organization. The three dominant
sectors of the anti-abortion movement are usually in some relationship
with the right. The sectors themselves have porous and imprecise boundaries.
Some anti-abortion activists "travel" from
sector to sector, and the sectors themselves change over time. The sectors
often disagree with each other and occasionally there is realignment,
as those disagreements cleave a sector and cause some of its adherents
to change their views.
Often anti-abortion activists respond
to political defeats by becoming more extreme and more rigid in their
ideology and actions. Within the movement, they often compete for dominance.
Internal disagreements can create the impression that the anti-abortion
movement holds contradictory and incompatible views. Visualizing the
anti-abortion movement as composed of various sectors helps explain differences
of opinion within the movement and the coexistence within it of very
different tactics for effecting change. Pro-choice activists need to
understand the complexity that exists within the anti-abortion movement
when they find themselves dealing with different types of opposition.
The sectors are tied together by shared political and religious
principles, which emphasize the "morality" of what they call "traditional
family values," the evil of "godless" secular humanism,
and the necessity for "personal responsibility." These common
elements make up the worldview of many within the anti-abortion movement.
Beyond this shared worldview, the leaders and strategists
of the movement construct ways of presenting abortion to
the public ("framing" the issue) that are intended to capture
public opinion and turn it against women who have abortions or medical providers
who provide abortions. The various movement sectors often "frame" abortion
differently, each attempting to mold the public's understanding of abortion
in order to reinforce its own position. A successful "frame" convincingly
connects with and manipulates public opinion on the issue. If the sector
presents its position in ways that capture the public's imagination,
resonates with widely held beliefs, and/or teaches people a new way to
see the issue, it has created a powerful "frame."
Sometimes the political "frame" promoted by the
anti-abortion movement is meant to deceive the public. For instance,
the anti-abortion movement would have us believe that it is simply anti-abortion;
in reality, it is more broadly a movement that opposes reproductive rights,
since it seeks not only to eradicate abortion,
but to limit or prohibit other reproductive decisions by women. It is
important for pro-choice activists to understand
the larger agenda of the anti-abortion movement, and to see it for the
broad-based attack on reproductive rights that it is.
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